– BINITA Nepali

Despite the remarkable achievements that women have achieved in various fields, women are persistently portrayed as objects, subordinates, or persons who are reliant on others in the Nepali mass media, both in fiction (movies, TV programs, music videos, and advertising) and non-fiction (newspaper, interviews). Such portrayals of women not only downplay women’s overall achievements but also reinforce gender stereotypes and further perpetuate gender inequality in Nepali society.

The commercial market of advertising, music videos, songs, and films in Nepal continue to portray women in conventional gender roles and as mere objects, despite the massive emphasis on women’s empowerment. Women are frequently used as props and shown in sexually suggestive poses to sell products for men (ads for deodorants, and undergarments) or are primarily featured in ads for household products. On reviewing every ad for cooking oils made in Nepal, it is found that ads of nearly all cooking oil brands in Nepal feature women, with only a few ads featuring men, and that too only to demonstrate the impact of cooking oil on having a strong heart, implying that strength is associated with men. Recently, a commercial for  Siddha Baba Cooking Oil went popular on social media for being innovative and promoting the message of not wasting food. While the ad presents a positive social message, it also subtly reinforces the idea that cooking is women’s responsibility, regardless of their social and economic status.

Similarly,  Nepali films often depict women as dependent, subservient, frail, helpless characters that need assistance or lack autonomy, housewives, and mother figures, among other circumscribed roles. The feminist lens applied to review twenty Nepali films between 2017 and 2021, in a study undertaken by Gauthali Entertainment Private Limited in collaboration with Kathmandu University, revealed that the portrayal of women in these films was misogynistic and that they normalized stalking in addition to depicting women in traditional roles. Furthermore, the cheerful, melodic, and funk-influenced item songs in movies and music videos depict women as objects of desire, with their bodies displayed in a manner that appeals to the male gaze. This is especially apparent in dance scenes, in which women are shown dancing provocatively in front of amorous males. Close-up shots and camera angles that emphasize sensitive body parts and revealing outfits accentuate the negative effect of such a depiction.

Similarly, the coverage of women’s concerns in nonfiction media such as news and interviews is equally concerning and leads to the objectification of women. Women are often evaluated based on their physical appearance rather than their accomplishments or ability. When Sobita Gautam was recently elected to the House of Representatives, her physique was featured in news titles to highlight her achievements. After receiving criticism on Twitter, the publication eventually changed its title. In addition, women’s ideas and perspectives on important topics such as politics are often underrepresented, which fosters the notion that their viewpoints are not important on such issues.  I examined the February 2023 Politics sections of two leading English-language daily published in Kathmandu, one private and one public. I found a startling discrepancy. The private media mentioned or quoted just 10 women politicians, party leaders, and political analysts in comparison to 143 men counterparts, and the public media mentioned or quoted 11 women in comparison to 94 men. This disparity underlines the severity of the issue and the necessity for a transformation in the media’s portrayal of women.

Persistence of such depictions in media we consume on a regular basis without any scrutiny enhances the likelihood of emulation and diminishes the significance of gender, sexuality, and instances of abuse as what we see, hear, or read in the media sub-consciously shapes our attitudes, and attitudes shape our behavior.  Hence, it is essential that we recognize the impact the media has on molding our opinions. Since they have the ability and obligation to mold society’s perception of gender, the media must make deliberate attempts to combat these detrimental depictions of women. It is essential that the media presents women as multifaceted, multidimensional beings with multiple roles, experiences, and skills, ranging from those who work outside the house to those who are homemakers, as opposed to restricting them to conventional gender stereotypes and objectification.

This blog is a part of NIPoRe’s blog series on Women’s History Month 2023

– BINITA Nepali

The opinion piece originally appeared in the January 2023 Issue of New Business Age Magazine. Please read the original article here.

Nepal ranks first in South Asia and second in Asia in terms of the share of women representatives in the parliament. However, it ranks 123rd in the world in terms of the number of women holding ministerial posts. Women in Nepal have been assigned ministerial roles at general ministries only. It demonstrates the reality that, despite increased female political participation, women are not trusted to exercise authority and manage resources at the key ministries that have the potential to make major policy implications in the country.

In 2008, a mixed-model election system [First Past the Post (FPTP) and Proportional Representation (PR)] was introduced to encourage positive discrimination of women and other marginalised and unrepresented groups in the country. However, the political parties have exploited the PR system and turned it into the sole route for women to enter politics.

Political parties are reluctant to field women under the FPTP system. Therefore, to ensure constitutional adherence, women are brought onto the PR list. Only 9% the FPTP candidates in the 2022 federal and provincial elections were female. Most of the female candidates were fielded in fiercely competitive constituencies, with the less competitive seats going to the supposedly “strong” male leaders.

As per Article 84 of the Constitution of Nepal, at least one-third of the members elected from each political party to the federal parliament must be women. Therefore, at least 92 of the 275 members of the new federal parliament must be women, as there are currently only 19 women (32.2 percent), in the 59-member upper house. As only nine women were elected directly, the remaining 85 seats have been filled through proportional representation. It means there are just nine women in the top decision-making positions, as it has been found that the directly elected representatives – more than 95% of whom are men – hold greater sway over resources, authority, and influence than those who come via the PR system in Nepal’s parliament.

The country also fell short of meeting the target of having 50% women representatives in the local units. Only 14,407 (41.21%) out of the 34,953 elected in 753 local units were women. Of them, only 25 women have been elected to top or decision-making posts (13 mayors and 12 chairpersons). Moreover, women were sidelined in the guise of political coalitions during the recent local, provincial, and federal elections. Consequently, fewer women today hold leadership roles at all three tiers of government, owing to political parties’ aversion to promoting women to decision-making positions. To put it another way, Nepal missed out on the opportunities that more women in decision-making positions would bring.

First, more women in politics means a more inclusive democracy. A study shows more women in decision-making roles, with their inclusive and cooperative leadership styles, result in tangible gains for democracy. This entails better service delivery, stronger collaboration across racial and political boundaries, expanded social safety nets, and a more sustainable future.

Moreover, other research links women’s political participation to improved governance, transparency, and low levels of corruption. As women are often seen to be more trustworthy and honest, it is hoped that their increased participation in politics will reduce corruption. In 2011, Mexico replaced all of its male traffic cops with female cops to curb corruption, since women are seen as more trustworthy. New Zealand has the highest level of female representation (49.2%) of any parliament in the Asia and Pacific Region and the sixth highest in the world. Now wonder, the country ranks first out of 180 in the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index (CPI). Whereas, Nepal  ranks first in South Asia in having more women in national parliament (32.7 percent) and is 117th out of 180 in the CPI. Undoubtedly, Nepal needs more proactive women leaders who would guarantee more inclusive policies and responsible institutions that combat the pervasive corruption.

Second, more women legislators mean a more stable, inclusive, and vibrant economy. Researches show that gender equity has favourable economic gains for everyone and that the presence of women in politics corresponds with a wider economic impact.

India showed much improved socio-economic growth with greater gender-sensitive spending on programmes related to health, nutrition, and education when women were present in a decision making role. Likewise, women’s political leadership and women’s broader engagement in the economy are intertwined. Thus, if Nepal wants more women at work, it should prioritise raising the number of women in elected offices.

The government, which remains dominated by men as of now, repeatedly attempts to prohibit women from being involved in the economy. One recent example is the government’s effort to implement a law requiring women under the age of 40 to get permission from their family and local ward chair before travelling to the Middle East and Africa. In Nepal, 74% of women are involved in agriculture. Only 15.7% of agricultural work is performed by men, while the rest 84.3% is performed by women. However, they have no say in the earnings from farming and endure various types of discrimination (such as access to land, water, seeds, and training, among others). Yet, the government does not consider it essential to implement women-friendly farming policies, training, or materials.

Thus, women’s participation in two of the most important economic factors, remittances and agriculture, is minimal. This would be drastically different if more women were in positions of legislative power. More women in decision-making positions would fight against such discriminatory restrictions that limit women’s full participation in the economy and create a vicious loop: women don’t have money, they can’t win, therefore they are chosen through PR.

Third, there is significant evidence that women politicians are changing the way politics work by introducing policies in areas that aren’t usually talked about at the political table, like domestic violence, women’s reproductive health, and maternity leave, and by broadening perspectives on other policy areas. This has been seen in France, Sweden, South Africa, Rwanda, and Egypt, among others. Increased policymaking that prioritises welfare, healthcare, education, families, water and sanitation, women, and minorities is also linked to the number of elected women. Here, the New Zealand experience serves as the best example.

Women politicians not only propose such policies but also tirelessly work to put them into effect, as Margaret Thatcher rightly stated: “In politics, if you want anything said, ask a man; if you want anything done, ask a woman.” A study done in the US has found that congresswomen provide 9% more government programmes annually to their home districts than their male counterparts. And women are 10% more effective lawmakers and pass twice as many bills on average than men. The increasing instances of gender-based violence, rape, early child marriage, acid attacks, and girls’ trafficking are tearing the country apart. With Nepal’s political class becoming more and more apathetic, it is certain that greater representation of women in decision-making positions will increase efforts to put an end to these issues.

Nepal cannot afford to ignore women. It must ponder seriously what might be done to avoid losing out on these costly opportunities. As was done in Rwanda (which implemented 30% gender quotas in the parliament only in 2003 but ranks first in the world in terms of the proportion of women, 61.25%, in its national legislature due to rigorous implementation), one of the most important recommendations is to implement the legally mandated gender quota with adequate political finance regulations to support it, as the exorbitant cost of political elections is a significant barrier for women who are interested in running for elective office.

The patriarchal attitudes of Nepali society and local political parties that “women cannot win,”  which limit women’s electability and winnability in the elections must be challenged by raising awareness of the importance that women could offer to overall political governance and public service delivery. As women cannot be what they cannot see, elected women should get more media publicity to inspire other women to pursue leadership positions. Lastly, there should be more training and networks for women who want to run for government. For example, a cross-party and cross-country network for women politicians could be set up.